TX Observer: Road Kill…the build-up to Carona's hearing

Link to article here.

Road Kill
by Eileen Welsome
Texas Observer
Feb. 27, 2007

Although the current Legislative session is only a few weeks old, Ric Williamson, the embattled chairman of the Texas Transportation Commission, has already incurred the wrath of numerous state lawmakers intent on curbing the Department of Transportation’s plans to pave the state with toll roads and a network of superhighways known as the Trans-Texas Corridor.

If recent incidents are harbingers, the road warriors at TXDOT will be forced to jettison their own aggressive agenda this session and focus on protecting the new powers they were handed just four years ago to radically alter the way roads are financed and built.

The showdown began a few weeks ago when Williamson, a friend of Gov. Rick Perry and an ex-legislator himself, failed to appear at a budget hearing before the Senate Finance Committee. One senator, pointing out that it’s customary for department heads to be present when their budgets are being considered, asked Mike Behrens, TXDOT’s executive director, where Williamson was. Behrens explained that Williamson’s schedule was too full, a remark that touched off an angry round of muttering. “Make sure he’s here on March 1st,” snapped one senator.

On March 1, the Lege will hold its first public hearing ever on the Trans-Texas Corridor and the plethora of privately operated toll roads being planned for the state. TXDOT has spent millions of dollars on advertising and consultants trying to convince the public that the best solution for Texas’ massive traffic jams is allowing private investors to build toll roads. But its public relations campaign has backfired, managing to enrage not only large segments of the driving public, but also state legislators, congressmen, and scores of local officials who sit on city councils, county commissions, and transportation councils. The chickens, as Malcolm X once said, have come home to roost.

Nearly a dozen bills have been introduced to rein in TXDOT’s plans, and more are expected. Leading the effort is Republican John Carona, a Dallas businessman and chairman of the Senate’s Transportation and Homeland Security Committee. Said Carona, “The Transportation Commission and the governor’s office are so focused on short-term cures that they have not studied the long-term ramifications of what they’re doing. And I think the long-term ramifications are disastrous for this state.”

Carona has filed several bills that would severely curtail the profits that toll-road operators can make on their pay-as-you-go highways.

Under one measure, tolls could only be raised to cover the cost of repairs and maintenance. A second would ban noncompete clauses that basically prohibit TXDOT from building free roads that might reduce traffic on the tolled highways. A third would forbid TXDOT from signing contracts for more than 30 years. (Currently the department has signed deals for 50 to 70 years and wants to enter into contracts that could stretch into the next century.)

A week after his no-show before the Senate committee, Williamson did appear in front of the much friendlier House Transportation Committee. (Under the direction of the current chairman, Round Rock Republican Mike Krusee, that committee hammered out the mammoth transportation legislation in 2003 that spawned the current toll-road binge.) While Williamson was testifying before Krusee’s committee, Carona walked up onto the dais and took the seat of a member who had just left the room.

Carona listened patiently for a while. Then Krusee asked the senator if he had a question. Carona glared down at Williamson and said, “I’ve been trying to get an appointment with this gentleman, and I understand his calendar is booked up through March. I’m just wondering if I could ask you, Chairman Williamson, if we can meet this week on important transportation issues?”

Williamson, who has a boxer’s thick neck and a military-style buzz cut, gazed at Carona in disbelief. His face reddened. “You are a clever guy,” he finally stuttered.

Carona pushed on: “I think you and I recognize we have a difference of opinion. But we might find we have more in common than we realize. I’d be grateful for the meeting. And I know my colleagues in the Senate would, too.”

Williamson told Carona that he’d call him, but emphasized that he couldn’t commit to a meeting. Then Carona exploded: “You say you have one boss that you work for, but you really don’t. You’ve got the people of the state and 181 members of the Legislature. This kind of lack of commitment and artful dodging has created the hostility and friction that exists right now. The fact that you would sit there and be so arrogant as to not meet with me is very troubling.”

Williamson sunk into a stony silence. Carona pressed him again for a meeting. Williamson finally said, “I’m speechless.”

“Thank you,” responded Carona, who then got up and left the room.

Another senator gunning for TXDOT is Steve Ogden, a tall, angular Republican from Bryan Station who chairs the Senate Finance Committee. With his thick accent and white hair, Ogden seems like a good ole boy who’s got nothing more on his mind than the Friday night football game. But the U.S. Naval Academy graduate spent nine years as an officer in the nuclear submarine force. He knows how to operate in tight quarters and keep his feelings tamped down.

But when the subject of TXDOT comes up, Ogden can hardly restrain himself, in part because it was Ogden who encouraged his Senate colleagues to pass the massive transportation bill that freed TXDOT from the old rules and soon had the department’s stodgy road builders lunching with Wall Street financiers.

Ogden now feels he was duped, and said as much at the Senate Finance Committee hearing. The 2003 transportation bill arrived in the Senate two weeks before the session ended, Ogden recalled, and was sold as a way to get roads built quickly without any public money. (In reality, the toll roads that will be operated by private companies will still be subsidized by taxpayers through tax breaks, low-interest loans, tax-exempt bonds, outright grants and in some cases, the actual pavement itself.)

In 2003, there also was no talk of privatizing the roads, he added. “The fact that it wasn’t brought up and we never got an opportunity to chew on it has created a huge political problem for us.”

Ogden glared at the cluster of TXDOT operatives. In another time, he might have ordered them to walk the plank or had them lashed to the sails. As it was, the only punishment he had available was a tongue lashing. “It’s not what TXDOT tells you. It’s what they don’t tell you,” he complained. He chided the department for its sneakiness and encouraged its bureaucrats to be more open about what they’re doing. “Running your own plays and hiding them from us is no way to run state business.”

TXDOT’s not saying anything publicly about the frontal assaults. (“I never comment on what legislators do,” Williamson said of Corona’s ambush.) But it’s safe to say that they’re not happy. Just a few months ago, the department rolled out its own legislative wish list. High on the list was getting a revenue stream for the Texas Rail Relocation Fund so the state and its private partners can build several new billion-dollar-plus railroad projects, which one industry insider collectively referred to as a “huge fat pig.”

But TXDOT will have its hands full fending off Carona, Ogden, and a raft of Democratic legislators aiming to take down the imperious department and its autocratic commissioners. Joe Pickett, a Democratic representative from El Paso who once was virtually the only legislator willing to speak out against the behemoth department, welcomes the backup. “The whole agency needs a complete work-over from top to bottom,” he said.

Pickett has introduced a measure that would replace Perry’s five-member Transportation Commission with an elected transportation czar. State Rep. David Leibowitz, a Democrat from San Antonio, has drawn up a bill that would do away with Perry’s coveted Trans-Texas Corridor, a network of superhighways that will stretch from the Mexican border toward Canada. The TTC is being sold to Texans as a way to reduce congestion, but in reality appears to be a system of trade routes designed to circumvent the glutted West Coast ports and get foreign goods into the United States by way of Mexico. A third Democratic state representative, Houston’s Garnet Coleman, is sponsoring legislation that would place a two-year moratorium on the further construction of toll roads. (Coleman is fuming over TXDOT’s plan to replace the high-occupancy vehicle lanes on some Houston freeways with toll lanes, which he calls “Lexus lanes.”)

Meanwhile, Carona, a bespectacled and mild-looking businessman, is quickly gaining rock-star status on the Internet, and recently was featured on YouTube. Carona, who has the ability to speak in paragraphs and can read spreadsheets with ease, has been projecting the numbers into the future and sees a day when the state’s free roads will be potted and pitted, the billions in up-front concession fees will be spent, and Texas motorists will still be forking out millions of dollars in tolls to foreign corporations and bankers. “This is the most reckless transportation policy this state has seen in its history,” he said.

He continued, “While the Transportation Commissions likes to tell you that all transportation issues have now been decentralized and now reside in local communities, in fact that’s not the case. TXDOT allows local decisions as long as those local decisions agree with the philosophy and direction of the Transportation Commission. If local decisions made through local transportation authorities differ from what the commissioners would like to see, they simply withhold funds. They leverage the outcome by controlling the purse strings in Austin. You see that in issues like toll equity where the Transportation Commission determines what portion of money it will make available to subsidize a road project in a region. Virtually every major roadway under consideration today in Texas is being advanced as a toll project.”

The toll-road developers, Carona said, have claimed that they will need a 12 percent return on their investment. Using that figure, Carona calculates the tolls on the private roads will be 66 percent higher upon opening than what tolls on state-constructed roads would cost. What’s more, he said, the private toll operators will be able to raise their rates to whatever the market will bear. By contrast, toll hikes on state-owned roads are limited to recovering the cost of maintenance and repairs. “The reality is, we’re building roads in the most expensive fashion of all—through tolls—instead of calling it taxes,” he said.

Carona favors raising the gasoline tax so that it keeps pace with inflation. (The tax has been unchanged for the last 15 years—20 cents for the state and 18.4 cents for the feds per gallon.) That way, the state would have enough money to build all the roads it’s going to need over the next 25 years. The average motorist would probably wind up paying an extra dollar per month for fuel, but Carona said in the long run it’ll be cheaper for drivers.

Even with an increase in gasoline taxes, it’s unlikely that toll roads, and perhaps even the loathed Trans-Texas Corridor, will vanish from the map. Carona is confident, however, that the Legislature will be able to enact some meaningful reforms in the coming weeks. “We’re at a crossroads in transportation policy,” he said. “We can either get it right or get it wrong.”

Macquarie salivates over $250 BILLION in Texas toll roads

Link to article here.

It’s one thing to build and maintain roads, it’s another to engage in sweetheart deals that enrich private corporations while infinitely sticking it to the taxpayers who own the aforementioned assets. TxDOT is clearly no longer about building and maintaining roads and facilitating getting people from Point A to Point B as quickly and safely as possible. Now they’re about how to hawk our public assets for quick cash while selling us into toll tax slavery to foreign companies who couldn’t care less about Americans, the American economy, or American quality of life.

There are abundant examples of how these deals fail the taxpayers and end up with toll rates causing more than a little pain and tax revolts wherever they’re tried.

MIG awaits green light to take its toll on Texan roads
By David Nason
New York correspondent
The Australian
February 27, 2007

THE Sydney-based Macquarie Infrastructure Group will know tonight if it has garnered an early slice of the vast toll road riches up for grabs in Texas.

The announcement by the Texas Department of Transportation of the winning bidder for State Highway 121 – a planned 42km toll road in northern Dallas, one of the fastest growing areas of the US – shapes up as the first big test of MIG’s decision to all but jettison its Australian routes for a shot at the far larger but less developed US markets.

Texas, which is forecast to double its population to 50 million by 2030, is regarded as the toll road El Dorado, with the SH121 project the first in an estimated $US250 billion ($315 billion) worth of roadwork and toll road administration to be privatised in the Lone Star state over the next decade.

The biggest prize is expected to be the new Trans-Texas Corrider, a toll road that would stretch from the Mexican border to Oklahoma and utilise some existing freeways and toll roads.

An MIG-led consortium is one of five shortlisted bidders for the rights to build and operate the toll road for 50 years. The deal is expected to net Texas an upfront payment of about $US2 billion and a share of toll revenues.

Like many states, Texas is reluctant to raise taxes to address its chronic shortfall in transportation infrastructure and has been forced to go to the private sector.

All up, more than 20 states are considering the sale or lease of major highways. They include Oregon, Indiana, California, Utah, Colorado, Illinois, New York, New Jersey, Delaware, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina and South Carolina.

But opposition to public-private partnerships, also known as PPPs, can be strong, especially in the case of public assets that are debt-free.

In New Jersey overnight the state legislature’s transportation committee was due to debate proposed legislation that would require voters to approve the sale or lease of any state asset worth more than $US100 million.

The legislation would also ban foreign companies from any involvement.

MIG has expressed interest in the state’s busy New Jersey Turnpike and Garden State Parkway which could earn the state $US15 billion for a 75-year lease.

At last year’s Merrill Lynch’s Australian Investment Conference in New York, MIG chief executive Stephen Allen warned that US-based competitors would exploit xenophobia to keep foreign companies from lucrative US toll-road opportunities.

“It is a real issue and it’s one we need to deal with,” Mr Allen said at the time.

“The market here is going to get more competitive. All the major investment banks are all starting infrastructure funds. In the marketing, they’ll be promoting the US side of the business.”

Ironically, MIG’s main opposition for SH 121 is expected to come from two foreign consortiums – one led by Sweden’s Skanska BOT, the other by the Spanish Cintra group.

MIG’s consortium partners are Kiewit Texas Construction LP, a division of leading US transportation contractor Kiewit Corp, and Texas highway constructor JD Abrams.

MIG currently has an interest in four US toll roads. In 2005 Chicago leased its I-90 Skyway to an MIG-Cintra consortium for $US1.83 billion to pay off city debt and fund non-transportation projects. In 2006, Indiana leased the partners the Indiana Toll Road for $US3.85 billion.

Earlier this month the Macquarie Media Group paid $US80 million for American Consolidated Media which publishes 40 community newspapers and shopping publications serving nine communities in Texas and Oklahoma – many of them along the proposed route of the Trans-Texan Corridor.

The sale has drawn criticism the newspapers will become propaganda vehicles for MIG.

Kolkhorst files bill to kill Trans Texas Corridor

San Antonio’s State Representative David Leibowitz has filed a similar bill. Can you feel the momentum? Kolkhorst has been working with one of our partner groups, Corridor Watch.org, to craft this legislation. Contact your representatives and make sure these bills get to the floor for a vote and PASS!

Kolkhorst bill would halt highway proposal
The Huntsville Item
February 24, 2007

AUSTIN — Two bills have been filed by state Rep. Lois W. Kolkhorst of Brenham which would terminate the state’s controversial Trans-Texas Corridor highway proposal.

If passed, House Bill 1881 will repeal the Trans-Texas Corridor from the transportation code, effectively killing the proposal by removing the enabling legislation which would have served as the foundation for any future corridor project.

“I’ve been fighting against the Trans-Texas Corridor for several years, and it’s not because I want to stop progress,” Kolkhorst said. “We need to look at new ways to fund roads, but this isn’t it.

“Some toll systems work, such as Harris County, but many do not. Plenty of people share my concerns about these private toll roads and how they’ll threaten communities, violate our property rights, and create an unregulated transportation monopoly. My bill allows Texas to scrap the Trans-Texas Corridor plan and start over.”

Kolkhorst said she has received literally hundreds of calls, comments, letters and e-mails against the Trans-Texas Corridor over the past few years.

She also has worked with the anti-corridor group Corridorwatch.org and received an A-rating from group.

Additionally, Kolkhorst filed House Bill 1880, which prohibits any public pension fund from investing in a private toll road project, such as the Trans-Texas Corridor.

The bill cuts off billions of dollars of funding that private toll road vendors, both foreign and domestic, would attempt to use in order to raise equity.

“No public money from a public pension fund should be used for a private toll road,” Kolkhorst said. “It’s risky to invest our retiree pension funds into an unproven investment, especially with a foreign company. Texas doesn’t need a middle-man to build a road.

“Private companies should not leverage taxpayer dollars and then turn around and ask taxpayers and the public to give up oversight of a toll road project.”

More deception: TxDOT lies to Austinites about their "free" lanes

It shouldn’t surprise anybody by now that TxDOT has lied to the public. Haven’t we all heard the oft repeated claim that when they convert existing roads into tollways we’ll have as many free lanes as exist today per state law? Well, next to one of the recently opened toll roads in Austin, motorists had one of their free lanes SWIPED by TxDOT causing greater congestion in an attempt to entice more motorists to cough up the cash to use the tollway.

Link to Letter to Editor in the Austin American Statesman here.

————————————————————————

We miss our lane

Before the MoPac Boulevard (Loop 1) toll road extension opened, residents of Wells Branch and the surrounding North Austin subdivisions had two free lanes that directly fed into southbound MoPac. Now these residents have the choice to pay 50 cents for about a half-mile on the toll road or enter the very congested one-lane free ramp onto MoPac.

The Texas Department of Transportation has robbed these residents of one of their access lanes to southbound MoPac — a lane that was paid for with our tax dollars.

DIANE GUCCIONE
Austin

State Auditor slams Trans Texas Corridor; TxDOT misled public about use of taxpayer money

Link to articles here and here.

My mother called it LYING when someone deliberately fails to tell to the truth, and, in fact, tells someone the opposite of what is true. That’s what TxDOT has done not only with the figures for the state’s transportation “needs,” but also regarding the use of taxpayer money for the Trans Texas Corridor. Rick Perry stated at a press conference last year, in front of KHOU cameras in Houston, that NO TAXPAYER MONEY would go into the Trans Texas Corridor. Now the State Auditor (not sure why he’s just now waking up to this when citizens have asked his office to investigate these toll contracts for nearly 4 years) reveals TxDOT will use taxpayer money for the TTC and that the amount may never be clearly determined without better financial accounting from this corrupt and broken agency.

Cintra’s Annual Report has told its shareholders to plan on a 12% rate of return on their investment. So once again, TxDOT isn’t telling the taxpayers the truth behind their special interest monopolistic deal (that was brokered behind closed doors) to enrich a private, foreign corporation.

Auditor scolds agency for corridor project
Texas Department of Transportation downplayed costs, withheld information, audit says
By Ben Wear
AMERICAN-STATESMAN STAFF
Saturday, February 24, 2007

The Texas Department of Transportation has downplayed the potential costs of the Trans-Texas Corridor and potentially inflated expected gains for the project, state auditors said in a report released Friday.

Auditors also said department officials have not been sufficiently open about information on the massive road project and should involve the state comptroller’s office in overseeing future corridor contracts.

The department, in a response included in the 73-page audit, agreed with most of the auditors’ observations and recommendations. But the department defended its decision to withhold for more than a year portions of its contract with corridor developer Cintra-Zachry. And it said the auditor was wrong to conclude that the contract commits the department to guarantee Cintra-Zachry a 12 percent rate of return on what it spends building a 300-mile toll road alternative to Interstate 35.

“The 12 percent was merely a modeling assumption,” the agency’s response says.

The state plans to delete language about a “12 percent guaranteed return on equity” now in the master development plan, the audit says.

The report also says the $3 billion in payments from the developer that the state expects to get could be reduced to nothing if interest rates and inflation are higher than expected. The agency in its response did not address that assertion.

Austin state Sen. Kirk Watson, a Democrat who serves on the Senate Transportation and Homeland Security Committee, in a statement said the audit should put the brakes on the corridor project pending further study.

“Texas cannot rush into a project that will help define our future when there are so many uncertainties about the present.” Watson said. “We must step back, demand answers, and (ensure) the public is protected before work proceeds on the Trans-Texas Corridor.”

The Trans-Texas Corridor was proposed in 2002 by Gov. Rick Perry as a 4,000-mile network of tollways, railroads and utility corridors roughly paralleling existing interstate highways in Texas. The department in late 2004 announced that it had selected Cintra-Zachry to create a master plan for developing the first and most-needed of those corridors, the twin to I-35.

The department and Cintra-Zachry in March 2005 reached a $3.5 million agreement for the partnership to create a plan, and the agency released much of the contract. But the agency said release of certain sections was not required until the actual plan was complete, an assertion that Texas Attorney General Greg Abbott’s office disputed. Perry’s gubernatorial opponents seized the opportunity to criticize.

The rest of the contract was released last fall when the master plan was completed.

The audit said “it is important that the Department makes all documents, plans, and contracts related to the project public in a timely manner.” The audit did not define “timely.” Even so, the agency remained defiant about its decision to keep the information confidential temporarily. (My emphasis..For 18 months, hardly timely)

“Providing information prior to approval (of the plan) could jeopardize competition during the procurement process,” the agency said in its audit response.

Editorial: Perry is as corrupt as they come; his actions prove it

Link to editorial here here.

Remarkably, the editorial doesn’t include an exhaustive list of this Governor’s dirty dealings. We’ve also got the Dan Shelley lobby scandal, and another involving Mike Toomey, Perry’s former Chief of Staff, who has worked deals to benefit another one of his employers aside from Merck, a company called UBS in a deal involving the Texas lottery like the Star-Telegram article states. Read more here. The gifts just keep on giving with this 39% Governor. Perhaps it’s time for the Legislature to exercise its authority to impeach this Governor, and protect the taxpaying public from anymore of his unethical, corrupt dealings before he sells off the entire state of Texas.

Working the lobby
Some former top aides to Rick Perry who have moved to the private sector have a nearly $10 million stake in state business
By JOHN MORITZ
STAR-TELEGRAM
February 20, 2007

AUSTIN — When Rick Perry assembled his senior staff after being sworn in as governor for the first time, he promised Texans that he would have the most stringent policy in history when it came to slowing down the so-called revolving door that enables top officials to trade the skills honed in government service for lucrative careers in lobbying.

But six years later, more than a dozen of Perry’s former senior aides as both governor and lieutenant governor are now lobbying lawmakers and top statewide officials on some of the highest-profile issues awaiting the governor’s and the Legislature’s attention.

And added together, the lobbying contracts of those former aides are worth up to nearly $10 million, according to a Star-Telegram analysis of data maintained by the Texas Ethics Commission.

“It just goes to show you that Texas is still the Wild, Wild West when it comes to the revolving door that sends people from government service, to the lobby, back to government service and back to the lobby,” said Andrew Wheat, a spokesman for Texans for Public Justice, a watchdog group.

Forces across the political spectrum have targeted the ties between former Perry staffers and the Austin lobby because of initiatives that the Republican governor has been pushing since taking office for his second full term last month.

Hot issues

Conservative organizations, such as the Texas Eagle Forum, have suggested that Perry issued a controversial vaccine order because his former chief of staff, Mike Toomey, is a lobbyist for the vaccine’s manufacturer, Merck & Co. The order requires girls entering the sixth grade to be vaccinated for the sexually transmitted disease that can cause cervical cancer.

Groups including the more liberal Texans for Public Justice have raised questions about the appearance of former Perry staffer Ray Sullivan lobbying on behalf of the financial services giant UBS, which might be among the bidders if the governor’s proposal to sell the Texas lottery comes to pass. The firm has also hired 23-year-old Griffin Perry, the governor’s son.

Neither Sullivan nor the younger Perry has any dealings with the firm’s lottery activities.

Perry’s office has said that the governor had nothing to do with his son’s employment status. In an interview with Capitol reporters last week, Perry said that any attention given to his son’s job was “minutiae” in light of the more pressing issues facing the state.

The governor also said he is unconcerned with criticism about his former staffers taking lobbying jobs because all have followed guidelines he set in 2000. The guidelines forbid them to try to influence the governor’s office for one full legislative session after they leave the payroll.

“It doesn’t bother me a bit,” Perry said. “There are people who have left government since, I suppose … they created government 200 years ago, that went off to the private sector and made money.”

And most of the former senior Perry aides are making substantial money, according to the reports on file with the ethics commission.

Toomey, who served in the House with Perry in the 1980s and was Perry’s chief of staff in 2003 and 2004, lists 10 lobby clients whose contracts this year are worth up to $1.55 million.

Lobbyists must report the value of the contracts in ranges, such as $25,000 to $49,999 or $50,000 to $99,999.

Dan Shelley, who was Perry’s chief liaison to the Legislature in 2005, has 10 clients with contracts totaling up to $1.2 million.

Sullivan, who was press secretary during Perry’s two years as lieutenant governor, lists five lobby clients whose contracts are worth up to $400,000.

Revolving door

Critics say the revolving door from government service to the lobby raises questions in the public’s mind over where the officials’ loyalties lie.

“Members of the public are already distrustful of their government,” Wheat said. “So they are apt to wonder, ‘Whose interests are being served, the public’s interests or these private interests?'”

Sullivan rejected the notion that a lobbyist cannot serve both or that it is somehow unseemly to take a private-sector job after working for a public official.

“Regardless of profession, everyone builds their career based on what they know,” he said. “Prosecutors, after they leave office, sometimes become defense lawyers. Professional athletes become sportscasters. Reporters and editorial writers become press secretaries. The only difference is, we are required by law to disclose our clients and our salary ranges.

“I went into politics and government service because I had strongly held beliefs,” he added. “I carry those beliefs with me as an advocate for my clients.”

In 2000, Perry said his policy of barring senior staff members from lobbying his office for at least one legislative session was stricter than any of his predecessors’ policies.

He also requires them to disclose outside income and real estate holdings.

“I think the people of the state of Texas deserve to know that the individuals that are working for them in the governor’s office adhere to what I consider to be not only strict but higher standards,” he said at the time.

Wheat said that while the rhetoric sounded tough, the record shows that the revolving door spins uninterrupted.

“It just shows that the ethics laws really have no teeth in this state,” he said.

Nonsense, Perry replied.

“Now if you can show me one place where someone has made an unethical, illegal transaction, please do,” he said. “I would suggest to you, in 22 years of public service, I’ve probably been looked at as closely as anybody. And not once has there been an illegal activity. .. If you’ve got any clear evidence of wrongdoing, go to [Travis County District Attorney] Ronnie Earle with it.”

IN THE KNOW

Perry’s former aides

Here are some of the best-paid lobbyists who are former senior aides to Rick Perry. The dollar amount is the high-end worth of their lobbying contracts:

Robert Howden, former communications director: $675,000

Victoria Ford, former legislative liaison: $580,000

Ray Sullivan, former press secretary: $400,000

Mark Borskey, former legislative liaison: $400,000

SOURCE: Texas Ethics Commission

AIDE TO LOBBYIST

A look at three former Perry aides and the value of their lobbying contracts.

MIKE TOOMEY

Former chief of staff

Contracts worth up to: $1.55 million

DAN SHELLEY
Former legislative liaison

Contracts worth up to: $1.2 million

PATRICIA SHIPTON
Former legislative liaison

Contracts worth up to: $860,000

Editorial: How does it look, Rick?
Waco Herald-Tribune
February 23, 2007

Rick Perry’s office felt it had some explaining to do Wednesday.

Too late.

The governor’s mouthpieces should have saved their breath. Perry’s actions had spoken for them.

The explaining was over the timing of a $5,000 donation from a pharmaceutical giant.

Timing is not the issue. Actions are.

Perry accepted $5,000 from the political action committee for Merck. The company produces Gardasil, which by Perry’s directive would be administered to all female sixth-graders in Texas unless parents opt out.

The target is a killer: a sexually transmitted virus that causes cervical cancer. Texas legislators nonetheless have lined up in numbers to block Perry’s move. They call it too presumptive, both toward families and toward the lawmaking process.

Perry had enough explaining to do relative to his proposal’s merits. He didn’t need to be explaining how Merck’s $5,000 contribution didn’t influence him.

That Perry got the contribution the very day his staff huddled on making the proposal is being called mere coincidence.

All we know is what this governor well should. Appearances matter.

Appearances should have mattered when Perry’s campaign accepted $5,000 from the political action group that represents TXU Corp. just a few weeks after Perry signed an executive order speeding up state permitting for coal-fired power plants.

They should have mattered when retired TXU chairman Erle Nye gave the Perry campaign $2,000 the very day the order was signed and another $25,000 a few months later.

But once again, timing is not as germane as the act itself. Someone who is making public policy that directly benefits a donor should be able to say, “I appreciate the gesture, but I don’t want people to think I’m being influenced by your graciousness.”

Do we really think Perry needed the stash?

Appearances should have mattered when the Perry campaign was accepting donations of roughly $25,000 a year from San Antonio construction mogul H.B. Zachry.

Zachry? That’s half of Cintra-Zachry, the state contractor for the Trans-Texas Corridor.

Perry’s office will assert that such mutual indulgence is a relationship merely of people who agree on what good government means. Taxpayers are not to infer favors bought and sold.

Sorry, governor, but it’s too late.

When it comes to conflicts of interest, appearance is all that matters. Oh, yes, and actions. Timing? Not so much.

Mexican trucks set to have free rein in U.S.

Link to article here.

For those who are tired of hearing “this is a state” problem from our senators and congresspeople, here’s more evidence that this is being foisted upon the taxpayers from both the federal AND state levels. Note: Transportation Secretary Mary Peters is a MAJOR toller…

Critics bash Mexican truck decision
By LESLIE MILLER
Associated Press
Feb 23, 2007

WASHINGTON – The news that Mexican trucks will be allowed to haul freight deeper into the United States drew an angry reaction Friday from labor leaders, safety advocates and members of Congress.

They said Mexico has substandard trucks and low-paid drivers that will threaten national security, cost thousands of jobs and endanger motorists on the northern side of the Mexican border.

The Bush administration on Thursday announced its plan to have U.S. inspectors oversee Mexican trucking companies that carry cargo across the border.

“This program will make trade with Mexico easier and keep our roads safe at the same time,” Transportation Secretary Mary Peters said Friday. She announced details of the plan to let 100 Mexican trucking companies travel beyond the border area while she was in El Paso, Texas, at the Bridge of the Americas, which connects to Ciudad Juarez, Mexico.

Said Teamsters President Jim Hoffa: “They are playing a game of Russian roulette on America’s highways.”

Access to all U.S. highways was promised by 2000 under the 1993 North American Free Trade Agreement, as was access through Mexico for U.S. carriers.

That aspect of NAFTA was stalled by lawsuits and disagreements between the two countries, though Canadian and U.S. trucks travel freely across the northern border.

The Bush pilot project will let Mexican truck companies travel from Mexico throughout the United States and back. No hazardous material shipments will be permitted.

According to the Transportation Department, U.S. inspectors will inspect every truck and interview drivers to make sure they can read and speak English. They’ll examine trucks and check the licenses, insurance and driving records of the Mexican drivers. Inspectors will also verify that the trucking companies are insured by U.S.-licensed firms.

The first Mexican trucks are expected to drive into the United States beyond the border area in about 60 days, the Transportation Department says.

National Transportation Safety Board member Debbie Hersman questioned how the U.S. could spare sending inspectors to Mexico when only a tiny percentage of the hundreds of thousands of U.S. truck companies are inspected every year.

“They lack the inspectors to conduct safety reviews of at-risk domestic carriers,” Hersman said. “That situation only gets worse if resources are diverted to the border.”

One-fourth of all U.S. trucks are taken off the road after random inspections because they’re so unsafe, she said. An even higher percentage of Mexican trucks are taken off the road at Texas border crossings, she said.

Mexican carriers insist their rigs meet U.S. standards. And according to the Transportation Department, 240 federal and 300 state government employees deal with Mexican truck issues.

Joan Claybrook, president of Public Citizen, said inspections will be meaningless because the trucks won’t have black boxes that record how long a driver has been behind the wheel.

“They have no way of telling how many hours these truck drivers have been driving before they get to the U.S., let alone when they get here,” Claybrook said.

Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash., chair of the Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on Transportation, announced a March 8 hearing to determine whether the arrangement meets safety requirements.

Rep. Peter DeFazio, D-Ore., chair of the House Highways subcommittee, said Congress will keep a close eye on the program.

Mexico responded to the U.S. announcement by saying it will allow trucks from 100 U.S. companies to travel across the border.

Business groups have wanted the border opened to avoid middleman costs of transferring goods from Mexican to U.S. trucks.

The American Trucking Associations said it supports the program, but wants to make sure that U.S. and Mexican truck companies are held to the same standards.

“We also are waiting to see that when US carriers are allowed to travel into Mexico that the regulatory and permitting process that U.S. carriers undergo is fair and transparent,” the ATA said in a statement.

Senator: "I think we've created a monster in TxDOT!"

Link to Statesman article here.

Senate committee grills two commission nominees over toll roads, other issues
Committee approves the two, now whole Senate must confirm
By By Mike Ward
AMERICAN-STATESMAN STAFF
February 22, 2007

Two nominees to the Texas Transportation Commission got a jet-blast of criticism Wednesday from the Senate Nominations Committee, as lawmakers vented about road issues ranging from tolls to secrecy to big-ticket contracts.

The exchange in the nominations hearing marked the latest signal that many lawmakers are not happy with the transportation mega-agency, amid a continuing series of skirmishes between Senate transportation committee Chairman John Carona, R-Dallas, and Transportation Commission Chairman Ric Williamson.

During the nominations hearing, Ned Holmes of Houston and Fred Underwood of Lubbock at times looked like deer caught in headlights, as senators grilled them about their views on controversies that have been swirling for months around the agency’s management and operations.

In the end, assured by the two men that they support more openness and will get answers to lingering questions about tolls and financing, the committee voted unanimously to approve their appointments. Both need to be confirmed by the full Senate.

“I think we’ve created a monster” in the Texas Department of Transportation, state Sen. Kevin Eltife, R-Tyler, citing the agency’s rush to approve toll roads and private financing packages that stirred continuing controversy.

“I think we’re headed in a totally wrong direction,” Eltife said. “I’m not so sure we haven’t already signed away the farm.”

Holmes and Underwood said they could not predict how they will vote on issues because they have just started understanding the complexities of Texas transportation.

At one point, though, Underwood expressed frustration about being unable to get answers to some of his questions.

“I’m hoping the two of you will bring us a fresh approach to this,” Eltife said, adding later, “Just because they started this five years ago and it’s almost under contract is not the right answer” to questions.

The commission has five members, all appointed by the governor.

Eltife blamed the Legislature for much of the problem facing the transportation agency, saying that refusal to approve an increase in the state’s gas tax to pay for road-building programs resulted in the agency having to resort to controversial alternatives.

“We’re either going to provide transportation systems, or we’re going to live with an incredibly impaired system,” Holmes said.

Sen. Kirk Watson, D-Austin, quizzed the two nominees on whether they support more transparency in the operation of the regional boards that set tolls and make toll-road decisions.

Both indicated they do.

Watson also asked where they stand on a past agency practice of requiring local communities to make financial contributions if they wanted roads built immediately — “a hammer instead of an incentive,” he called it.

Other senators criticized that practice as unfair to rural counties and those that cannot afford to pay, even if they desperately need new highways.

“I don’t think it should be used that way,” Underwood said.

Macquarie posts record 76% increase in profits…thanks to American toll roads for sale!

Link to article here.

MIG turns US tollroads to gold
By Nick Lucchinelli
Herald-Sun (Australia)
February 22, 2007

PROFITS were expected to keep rolling in for international tollroad operator Macquarie Infrastructure Group, as it capitalised on exposure to the growing US market. The group today announced a half year net profit of $1.44 billion, up 76 per cent on the previous first half, while also predicting double digit earnings growth over the next twelve months.

This would be largely driven by the US tollroad sector, said chief executive Stephen Allen.

“We have been very clear that we see much of the growth in the tollroad sector coming from the United States,” Mr Allen said.

“Private investment represents a practical response for US legislators to the significant issues generated by the combination of growing congestion and under-investment in road infrastructure, in an environment where there is increasing competition for the available public funding sources.”

MIG will look to co-invest in more US assets with fellow Macquarie Bank spin-off, Macquarie Infrastructure Partners.

One such project MIG has bid for is the SH 121, a new 22 kilometre tollroad to be built near Dallas, Texas.

MIG expected to learn whether its bid had been successful by the end of the month.

US assets were very solid performers for the company in the first half.

Earnings before interest, tax, depreciation and amortisation (EBITDA) on MIG’s Indiana toll road increased 57.7 per cent during the period, while the Dulles Greenway tollroad in northern Virginia increased 45.7 per cent.

The Skyway in Chicago was less impressive, posting EBITDA growth of 2.3 per cent, which the company attributed to roadworks. Non-US assets generally performed less impressively.

EBITDA for the 407 ETR in Toronto was 9.7 per cent higher, while the M6 in England rose by 27.5 per cent.

MIG also spun off Australian assets including the Eastern Distributor, M4 and M5 during the period into the Sydney Roads Group, which is now the subject of a Transurban takeover bid.

Mr Allen said the move represented an important evolution of the business.

“The purpose of the demerger was to enhance value for MIG security holders and we believe this has been realised: MIG achieved a 27 per cent internal rate of return for the divested Sydney toll roads.”

The company was happy, too, with its on-market buy back, with $303 million of $1 billion acquired since October, representing 11.1 per cent by volume of the securities traded since the buy back began.

The company maintained previous distribution guidance of 20 cents per stapled security for 2006/07 and gave preliminary guidance of 20 cents for 2007/08.